Capire cosa succede con le tasse universitarie: “una tragedia tutta italiana”.

Nell’ultima versione del decreto legge sulla cosiddetta “spending review”, la revisione della spesa dello Stato che comporterà un risparmio di 4,5 miliardi per il 2012 e di 10,5 miliardi per il 2013, gli aumenti delle tasse universitarie riguarderebbero tutti gli studenti e non solo quelli fuori corso come si era detto inizialmente.

Oggi, alle 10.30, il Senato dovrà votare (e si dovrebbe conoscere nei dettagli) quest’ultima versione del decreto, che comprende le modifiche contenute in un maxi emendamento e sulla quale ieri sera il governo ha posto la propria fiducia: «Pongo la fiducia sul testo con alcune modifiche di coordinamento», aveva annunciato poco prima della discussione il ministro per i rapporti con il Parlamento, Pietro Giarda. Nell’ambito delle “modifiche di coordinamento” rientrerebbero anche alcuni elementi di sostanza, come per esempio l’estensione dell’aumento delle tasse universitarie anche agli studenti in corso.

Lo ha spiegato ieri sera il presidente della Commissione bilancio del Senato, Antonio Azzollini, che ha esaminato il testo del decreto e dato la sua approvazione venerdì scorso. Il decreto sulla revisione della spesa pubblica contiene infatti alcuni interventi sulla scuola, compreso quello sulle tasse universitarie. Il testo uscito nei giorni scorsi dalla commissione Bilancio prevedeva la possibilità di alzare le tasse solo per i fuori corso in base a tre diverse classi di aumento stabilite su altrettante fasce di reddito: aumento del 25 per cento con un ISEE (reddito) familiare fino a 90 mila euro lordi l’anno, del 50 per cento fino a 150 mila, del 100 per cento oltre i 150 mila.

Il maxi emendamento avrebbe confermato queste regole, aggiungendo il fatto che l’aumento delle tasse diventa possibile anche per gli studenti in corso con il limite che per i primi tre anni a partire dall’anno accademico 2013-2014 e se il reddito familiare di tali studenti è medio-basso, cioè inferiore ai 40 mila euro lordi l’anno, questi rincari non potranno «essere superiori all’indice dei prezzi al consumo dell’intera collettività» .

Il Corriere della Sera spiega come quest’ultima versione (già ipotizzata dal governo e poi scartata «per dare all’intervento un significato non solo economico ma anche meritocratico») sia legata alle analisi fatte dalla Ragioneria generale dello Stato e dal ministero dell’Economia:

E qui bisogna guardare alle difficili condizioni delle università italiane. Attualmente ogni ateneo non può ottenere dalle tasse degli iscritti più del 20% di quello che riceve ogni anno dal ministero dell’Istruzione con il cosiddetto Ffo, il fondo di finanziamento ordinario. Il punto è che negli ultimi anni il Ffo è in costante calo e così anche le università che non hanno fatto salire le tasse hanno finito per violare quella regola. Solo pochi mesi fa un ateneo prestigioso come quello di Pavia è stato condannato dal Tar della Lombardia per aver sforato quella soglia dell’1,33%. E altre sentenze sarebbero arrivate a breve perché – secondo i calcoli dell’Udu, l’Unione degli universitari – una buona metà degli atenei italiani è nelle stesse condizioni. Per questo – sempre nel decreto sulla spending review – il governo ha tirato fuori dal calcolo di quel 20% le tasse pagate dagli studenti fuori corso. La speranza era che sarebbe stato sufficiente alzare quella parte del gettito, le tasse dei fuori corso, per mettere a posto i conti di un settore sempre più in sofferenza. Ma le cose non stanno così.

Inoltre, l’aumento del 100 per cento delle tasse per chi è fuori corso e ha un reddito familiare superiore ai 150 mila euro si applicherebbe solo a 30 mila persone e non garantirebbe alle università un’entrata sufficiente. Anche per questo l’aumento delle tasse sarebbe quindi stato esteso anche agli studenti in corso. Il nuovo provvedimento, se otterrà stamattina il voto del Senato, passerà alla Camera per essere convertito in legge giovedì o venerdì.

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Crisi italiana 2012: Mai tanti disoccupati, record storico di 2,8mln, lo rileva l’Istat

ROMA - Il tasso di disoccupazione a giugno é al 10,8%, in rialzo di 0,3 punti percentuali su maggio e di 2,7 punti su base annua. E' il tasso più alto da gennaio 2004 (inizio serie storiche mensili). Lo rileva l'Istat (dati destagionalizzati, stime provvisorie). Guardando le serie trimestrali è il più alto dal III trimestre 1999. Il numero dei disoccupati a giugno è di 2 milioni 792 mila. Lo rileva l'Istat (dati provvisori). Si tratta di un record storico, il livello più alto dall'inizio delle serie mensili (gennaio 2004) e delle trimestrali (quarto trimestre 1992).
L'Istat inoltre fa sapere che a giugno gli occupati sono 22 milioni 970 mila, in calo dello 0,1% rispetto a maggio (-29 mila unità). La diminuzione, aggiunge l'Istituto, riguarda in particolare le donne. A confronto con giugno 2011 il numero di occupati mostra invece una lieve crescita (+11 mila unità). Il tasso di occupazione è pari al 56,9%, in diminuzione nel confronto congiunturale di 0,1 punti percentuali e stabile in termini tendenziali.
Il numero di disoccupati a giugno registra un boom, in rialzo su base annua del 37,5%, ovvero di 761 mila unità. Lo rileva l'Istat (dati provvisori e destagionalizzati), aggiungendo che su maggio la crescita è pari al 2,7% (73 mila unita).

Il tasso di disoccupazione giovanile (15-24 anni) a giugno è al 34,3%, in diminuzione di un punto percentuale su maggio. Lo rileva l'Istat (dati destagionalizzati e a stime provvisorie) aggiungendo che tra i 15-24enni le persone in cerca di lavoro sono 608 mila. I giovani disoccupati rappresentano il 10,1% della popolazione di questa fascia d'età.

A giugno l'Istat registra un forte calo del numero di inattivi, ovvero di chi non ha un'occupazione e neppure la cerca: su base annua la diminuzione è di 752 mila unità (-5%), mentre su maggio il calo è pari a 52 mila unità (-0,4%). Quindi continua a salire la partecipazione al mercato del lavoro, ma spesso accade che la maggiore offerta si traduce in disoccupazione.

SYRIA: REGIME CHANGE AND SMART POWER

The rise and fall of Turkey's Erdogan
By M K Bhadrakumar

Israel's emergence from the woodwork can signal only one thing: the Syrian crisis is moving towards the decisive phase. The lights have been switched on in the operation theatre and the carving of Syria is beginning. What is going to follow won't be a pretty sight at all since the patient is not under anesthesia, and the chief surgeon prefers to lead from behind while sidekicks do the dirty job.
So far, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar have done the maximum they could to destabilize Syria and remove the regime headed President Bashar al-Assad. But Bashar is still holding out. Israeli expertise is now needed to complete the unfinished business.
Someone is needed to plunge a sharp knife deep into Bashar's back. Jordan's king can't do the job; he measures up only to Bashar's knees. The Saudi and Qatari sheikhs with their ponderous, flabby body are not used to physical activity; the North Atlantic Treaty Organization prefers to be left alone, having burnt its fingers in Libya with a bloody operation that borders on war crime. That leaves Turkey.
In principle, Turkey has the muscle power, but intervention in Syria is fraught with risks and one of the enduring legacies of Kemal Ataturk is that Turkey avoids taking risks. Besides, Turkey's military is not quite in top form.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is also unable to carry the majority opinion within Turkey in favor of a war in Syria, and he is navigating a tricky path himself, trying to amend his country's constitution and make himself a real sultan - as if French President Francois Hollande were to combine the jobs of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault and Socialist Party chief Martine Aubry.
Obviously, Erdogan can't risk his career. Besides, there are imponderables - a potential backlash from the Alawite minority within Turkey (which resents the surge of Salafism under Erdogan's watch) and the perennial danger of walking into a trap set up by militant Kurds.
Al-Jazeera interviewed a leader of the Alawite sect in Turkey last week who expressed concern over the increasingly sectarian tone of Syria's internal strife inspired by Salafist Sunnis. They fear a Salafist surge within Turkey. The Alawites in Turkey see Assad "trying to hold together a tolerant, pluralist Syria".

Contingency plans
But all that is becoming irrelevant. The New York Times reported on Friday, quoting American officials in Washington, that US President Barack Obama is "increasing aid to the rebels and redoubling efforts to rally a coalition of like-minded countries to forcibly bring down the [Syrian] government".
It further reported that the CIA operatives who are based in southern Turkey "for several weeks" will continue with their mission to create violence against the Syrian regime. Meanwhile, the US and Turkey will also be working on putting together a post-Assad "provisional government" in Syria.
Accordingly, the leaders of Syria's proscribed Muslim Brotherhood held a four-day conclave in Istanbul and announced plans on Friday to create an "Islamic party". "We are ready for the post-Assad era, we have plans for the economy, the courts, politics", the Brotherhood's spokesman announced.
The New York Times said Washington is in close contact with Ankara and Tel Aviv to discuss "a broad range of contingency plans" over "how to manage a Syrian government collapse".
The emergent operational plan is that while Ankara steps up the covert operations inside Syria (bankrolled by Saudi Arabia and Qatar), Israel will cross the border into Syria from the south and attack Bashar's military and degrade its capacity to resist the Turkish threat.
Turkey has stepped up the psywar, projecting through the media that the Syrian regime is already tottering. Turkish commentators are spreading the word. Murat Yetkin of the establishment daily Hurriyet quoted a Turkish official as saying,

Our people [Turkish intelligence] in the field are observing that the urban majority, which has preferred to remain neutral so far, has begun to support the opposition groups. We think the Syrian people have begun to perceive that the administration is breaking up.

But such riveting stories also reflect the Turkish establishment's worry that the Syrian regime is still not showing signs of capitulation despite all the hits it took from the "rebels".

Mission to Moscow
Erdogan's best hope is that the Turkish intelligence could orchestrate some sort of "palace coup" in Damascus in the coming days or weeks. What suits Ankara will be to have Bashar replaced by a transitional structure that retains elements of the existing Baathist state structure, which could facilitate an orderly transfer of power to a new administration - that is to say, ideally, a transition not different from what followed in Egypt once Hosni Mubarak exited.
But Erdogan is unsure whether Turkey can swing an Egypt-like coup in Damascus. His dash to Moscow last Wednesday aimed at sounding out Moscow if a new and stable transitional structure could be put together in Damascus through some kind of international cooperation. (Obama lent his weight to Erdogan's mission by telephoning Russian President Vladimir Putin on Thursday to discuss Syria.)
But curiously, just before Erdogan went into his scheduled meeting with Putin in the Kremlin, a massive terrorist attack took place in Damascus, killing the the Syrian defense minister and its intelligence chief. In the event, Moscow politely heard him out and assured Erdogan it would make a clinical separation between Russia's long-term strategic ties with Turkey and the Syrian issue. At any rate, the Russian stance remained unchanged, as evident from its veto at the United Security Council a week later.
Clearly, Moscow sees that the end game is underway in Syria. In an interview with the Russia Today on Friday, Russia's ambassador to the UN, Vitaly Churkin, spoke in exceptionally strong terms about what is happening. He said the Western strategy is to "whip us tensions in and around Syria at every opportunity".
Churkin said derisively, "There is much more geopolitics in their policy in Syria than humanism." Churkin also brought in Iran: "I would not rule out that then they would move on to Iran ... And this growing tension between Iran, the West and the Saudis is not helpful."
Prior to the visit to Moscow, Erdogan also travelled to Beijing, which also senses that the US is closing the deal on Syria. The Global Times newspaper commented in an editorial on Friday that "It's likely that the Assad administration will be overthrown ... chances of a political solution are becoming increasingly small ... changes in Syria might come rapidly."
US National Security Advisor Tom Donilon is travelling to Beijing to explore if the Chinese stance on Syria can be moderated.
Both Russia and China view the Erdogan era favorably for the upward curve in their ties with Turkey. Russia won a $20-$25 billion contract to build nuclear power plants in Turkey. China pulled in Turkey as a dialogue partner for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Turkey hosted a second military exercise with China recently and is aspiring to be a bridge between NATO and Beijing.

A man for all seasons
However, both Russia and China would factor in that as a "new cold war" builds up, Washington expects Turkey to get back into the fold and play its due role as ally in a vast swathe of land stretching from the Black Sea to the Caucasus and the Caspian and all the way to Central Asia. In the ultimate analysis, the US holds many trump cards, finessed through the Cold war era, to manipulate Turkish policies. This is quite evident from the centrality attached by Washington to the Iraqi Kurdish leader, Massoud Barzani, in the overall US strategy.
Obama received Barzani in the White House recently. Barzani has become a "lynchpin" in the US-Turkish policies on Syria. This was within months of ExxonMobil signing up in October to develop the fabulous oil fields located in the Kurdistan region controlled by Barzani, ignoring protests from Baghdad that such a deal with a provincial authority bypassing the central government would violate Iraq's sovereignty.
Last week, the US oil giant Chevron announced that it too has acquired an 80% controlling share in a company operating in the region covering a combined area of 1,124 square kilometers that is under Barzani's control.
The entry of ExxonMobile and Chevron is a game-changer in the regional politics over Syria. The point is, the best transportation route to the world market for the massive oil and gas deposits in Kurdistan will be via the Syrian port city of Latakia on the eastern Mediterranean. Indeed, an altogether new dimension to the US-Turkish game plan on Syria comes into view.
Siyah Kalem, a Turkish engineering and construction company, has bid for the transportation of natural gas from Kurdistan. Evidently, somewhere in the subsoil, the interests of the Anatolian corporate business (which has links with Turkey's ruling Islamist party) and the country's foreign policy orientations toward Syria and Iraq are converging. The US and Turkish interests overlap in the geopolitics of northern Iraq's energy reserves.
But Barzani is not only a business partner for Washington and Ankara but also a key agent who could leverage Turkey's Kurdish problem. With Washington's backing, he has launched a project to bring together the various Kurdish factions - Turkish, Iraqi and Syrian - on to a new political track.
He held a meeting of the Kurdish factions in Arbil last month. Plainly, Barzani tried to bribe the leaders of various Kurdish factions with funds provided from Ankara. He claims he has succeeded in reconciling the different Kurdish groups in Syria. (The Kurdish insurgency in Turkey is led by ethnic Syrian Kurds.) He also claims to have persuaded the Syrian Kurds to snap their links with Bashar and line up with the Syrian opposition.
These tidings from Arbil have a vital bearing on Erdogan's future course on Syria. As a prominent analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Soner Cagaptay, pointed out recently, the bottom line is that "Syria's restless and well-organized Kurdish minority doesn't for the most part trust Turkey."

Salafism on Israeli wings
However, in the final analysis, only Israel can resolve Erdogan's dilemma. Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak stated over the weekend, "Syria has advanced anti-aircraft missiles, surface-to-surface missiles and elements of chemical weapons. I directed the IDF [Israeli Defense Forces] to prepare for a situation where we will need to consider the possibility of an attack."
Barak added that the "moment [Bashar] starts to fall, we [Israel] will conduct intelligence monitoring and will liaise with other agencies." He spoke after a secret visit by Donilon to Israel the previous weekend. Close on the heels of Donilon's consultations, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton travelled to Tel Aviv after a historic meeting in Cairo with the newly elected President Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, who assured Washington that he wouldn't contemplate creating any problems for Israel in a conceivable future.
Barak's disclosure tears apart the thin veil of indifference that Tel Aviv so far maintained over the Syrian developments. What emerges, in retrospect, is that Washington kept Israel in abeyance for the ripe moment to physically demolish Bashar's war machinery, an enterprise that Erdogan is unwilling or incapable of undertaking.
Most certainly, Erdogan was in the loop that he was going to partner Barak, but being a shrewd politician he kept up an appearance of agonizing publicly over the Syrian crisis - while, of course, covertly fueling it.
Simply put, Washington has outwitted Moscow and Beijing. It kept assuring Russia and China that a military intervention by the US all by itself or a Libya-style NATO operation was the last thing on Obama's mind. No doubt, Obama kept its word.
What is unfolding is a startlingly refreshing sight - Salafism riding the wings of the Israeli air force and landing in Damascus. Erdogan will now set out with renewed vigor to shake up the Bashar tree in Damascus, while any day from now Barak will begin chopping off the tree's branches in a lightning sweep.
Erdogan and Barak will make the Bashar tree so naked and helpless that it will realize the futility of standing upright any more. There is no "military intervention" involved here, no NATO operations, no Libya-like analogy can be drawn. Nor is Erdogan to order his army to march into Syria.
Secretary of State Clinton would say this is the "smart power". In a magnificent essay titled "The Art of Smart Power" penned by her last week, as she surveyed the curious twist to the tale of the Arab Spring, Clinton wrote that the US is nowadays "leading in new ways". [1]
Clinton underscored that US is expanding its "foreign-policy toolbox [to] integrate every asset and partner, and fundamentally change the way we [US] do business ... [the] common thread running through all our efforts is a commitment to adapt America's global leadership for the needs of a changing world."
At the end of the day, Erdogan will bite the bullet, which is greased with pork fat. The plain truth is that Israel is going to complete the messy job for him in Syria.
Erdogan has no choice but to accept that he belongs to Washington's "toolbox" - nothing more, nothing less. He was never destined for the role to lead the Muslim Middle East. The West was merely pandering to his well-known vanity. That role is Washington's exclusive prerogative.

Note:
1. The art of smart power, New Statesman, July 18, 2012.
Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar was a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service. His assignments included the Soviet Union, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Germany, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kuwait and Turkey.
(Copyright 2012 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

OGGI A ROMA ✮ SABATO 07/07/2012– BLACK GARDEN - KIZOMBA & ZOUK CONNECTION ✮ Entra lista “Kizomba Romana”

ZOUK & KIZOMBA CONNECTION
- BLACK GARDEN -    
[Summer Season 012]

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BLACK GARDEN 2012 – due dance floor, una grande piscina, tre punti bar, 2 zone privè e area relax. In programma musica black a 360°: hip-hop, R'n'b, Reggaeton e Afro-Zouk-Kizomba, con ospiti internazionali e i migliori dj capitolini della scena.

Con 3 Sale 
(.) Afro Room [Con Kizomba/Zouk, Coupè-Decalè, Afro-House, Ndombolò] 
DJ DESIRÉ, DJ BRIGHT - DJ PAT

(.) Hip Hop Room 
Support By djs KOKOB - CARLOS - MR.PHIL 
Voice J-MB

(.) Latino Room 
DJ - RAMIREZ

Alle 04:00 - Piscina per tutti

SABATO 07.07.2012| ZOUK E KIZOMBA CONNECTION
Dalle 22:30 - ENTRATA RIDOTTA 
IN “LISTA KIZOMBA ROMANA”

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Kizomba Romana – Dolci Emozioni
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7 Ways to Nurture Your Relationship –The secret of love 4ever

Once you’ve found “the one”, a lifetime of love hardly seems like long enough. And since dating royally blows, you’ll want to make your relationship last. But how? Is there a magic formula? In short, the answer is no, but psychology has some ideas.

According to Psychology Today, love is one of the most widely studied and least understood areas of psychology. While science has yet to come up with all the answers, psychology has proven time and time again that lasting love requires nurturing.

Check out these 7 methods for nurturing your relationship:

1. Have sex
Nothing like cutting to the chase, huh? I know, you’re completely spent by the end of the day. Twenty seconds lying in the horizontal position and you’re already sawing logs. I get it, but consider this; sexual intercourse helps maintain feelings of intimacy and happiness that stand the test of time.

2. Spend time together
Remember early on when you were both dying to spend every waking moment together? Now you’re lucky if you can squeeze in a meal together. While no one is asking you to ditch the kids and work in favor of each other, make togetherness a priority. It doesn’t even matter how you spend your time, just so long as you’re together.

3. Think happy thoughts about your partner
According to Psychology Today, folks in lasting relationships engage in “sentiment override”, meaning they remember more positive than negative experiences about their partner. Choosing to focus on your partner’s annoyances hinder feelings of gratitude and positivity toward your partner.

4. Show some love
Never underestimate the power of affection in your relationship. Comforting hugs, tender kisses, and even listening touches speak volumes to your partner without saying a word.

5. Be happy
People who have positive feelings toward life actually have stronger feelings of love toward their partner! Just as negative feelings about life can affect your relationship negatively, positive feelings can affect your relationship positively. Engage in activities that bring you personal joy, and reap the benefit of personal passion with your partner.

6. Get flirty
Show your partner they’ve still got it with a little innocent flirting. A naughty squeeze, playful text, or extra long kiss is just what every relationship needs to keep those embers burning.

7. Miss your partner
Sure, he’s only at work, but that doesn’t mean he’s far from your thoughts. Up the aww factor and let him know he was missed.
What are your tips for making love last?

Source:Lori Garcia, Yahoo